El Narco: Inside Mexico's Criminal Insurgency and millions of other books are available for instant access. El Narco: Inside Mexico's Criminal Insurgency Paperback – November 13, A gripping, sobering account of how Mexican drug gangs have transformed into a criminal. The Narco Dollar Double Bind: Dow Jones Index Up, Solari Index Down Narco News Publisher's Note: Catherine Austin Fitts is a former managing director. PDF | Abstract: The institutional crisis in security that occurred in “Fighting against Narco”: Three different kinds of paramilitarism in Mexico.
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5 The Mexican news organizations Reforma and Milenio also keep a running tally of “narco-executions.” For ,. Reforma reported only. DRAFT — January The Narco-Frontier By Teo Ballvé1 Suddenly, as if a whirlwind had set down roots in the center of town, the banana company arrived, . Narco-Cities: Mexico and Beyond By John P. Sullivan Journal Article | Mar 31 - pm Narco-Cities: Mexico and Beyond John P. Sullivan Transnational .
Building from traditional criminal enterprises, including drug trafficking and extortion, the Camorristi moved into legitimate businesses. Starting with textiles and garments the Camorra was able to undercut rivals producing goods at a lower cost and exporting them via their well-established narco-circuits.
Naples provides a template for understanding narcos in mega-cities. From inner city neighborhoods, through villages and suburbs throughout Campania the Camorra clans command both criminal enterprise and political processes. They suborn mayors and elected officials to shape their operating environment. The system entails an economic and financial structure backed by military power.
That is one or more cartels and associated gangs are fighting to dominate the turf and opportunity space for criminal enterprise. In the Mexican context, these spaces are known as plazas. The plaza is the lucrative transshipment space for drugs across frontiers. These ties are natural. Neighborhoods or barrios are often the starting point for gangs.
They build from local affinities and then link with larger more dispersed entities. In the case of MS transnational linkages can emerge through emigration and deportation.
Fragile, Failed and Feral Cities The growing political might of cities is increasingly recognized. Certainly cities like all human endeavors are fragile and in our context can be challenged by narcos and violence indeed cities in conflict have been linked to state fragility and state transformation Beall, Goodfellow, and Rodgers, Richard J.
Norton , described the potential security challenge of feral cities.
These cities nevertheless remain connected to the greater international system through such avenues as trade and communication. Norton defined three levels of ferality green, yellow, red for cities at risk.
Green connoted no risk, yellow marginal risk, and red denoted a city becoming feral. Bunker and Sullivan expanded this framework to include two additional levels purple and black. The black city is one that would be ruled by the criminal enterprise and the gangsters provide security. The illicit economy is prime and the state is absent. Neither the purple nor black feral city exists yet. They are projections. However, there certainly are purple and black neighborhoods. Narco-cities Narco-ciudades Narcos rule entire regions of Mexico and certainly cities, slums, favelas and barrios elsewhere.
As mentioned earlier, violence plays a role and is a sign of ferality and a lack of state solvency, but other factors corruption, co-option of government officials, dominance of commerce and trade also figure into narco dominance. In Mexico it has been estimated that up to Complicating the situation is the rise of autodefensas self defense groups or vigilantes sponsored by businessmen, farmers, or rival cartels. Autodefensas are estimated to operate in at least 68 municipios in 13 Mexican states.
For example in Narco Estado, photographer Teun Voeten looks at the violence and their state transforming potential Voeten, All these elements present a nightmarish scenario of how our future could look like.
The worst we can do is to close our eyes and ignore these developments. Hence policy and implicitly intelligence analysis informing policy should focus on not only on those cities experiencing violence but also those with little violence. This would contribute to understanding the differential impacts of narcos and organized crime on different cities.
Those with little violence may be captured or feudalized by the narcos those with hyperviolence may be contested.
The first step in analysis of the dynamics of a narco-city is defining what it is. A narco-city is an urban area including small cities and neighborhoods within a mega-city that is controlled or contested by criminal cartels or gangs engaged in drug trafficking.
That means both terrain analysis and social network analysis of the criminal actors and their political links with state and sub-state political organizations, as well as assessment of market black, grey, and legitimate conditions must be assessed. This kind of analysis may also help to describe the emergence and propagation of gang-related violence waves [ 26 ].
Since the data is non-stationary, we construct networks based on the correlation in the changes of the monthly number of casualties attributed to drug cartels, between different municipalities. We find that close geographical distance between violent cities does not imply a strong correlation amongst them. Additionally, we observe that conflict evolves in relatively short-term periods, in which a small core of violent cities determines the main theatre of the war at each stage; the networks are consistent with the direct observation on how violence spread throughout the country.
The geographical localization of these core cities, seems to indicate that each network component is related with conflicts involving particular criminal groups. The problem of organized crime in general, and narcotraffic in particular, together with the associated violence, homicides, kidnapping, extortion, etc. The construction and use of tools to extract information from the available data may aid in the efforts to unveil the behavior and evolution of these patterns of violence, with the still distant hope to design strategies which reduce this dismal situation.
Materials Data Acquisition We obtained the number of drug-related deaths by municipality from December to December from the Mexican presidency web page.
As mentioned in the text, these data are no longer available. We provide the complete database in S1 Dataset comprising Jan. We present the data in the same format that they were originally provided.
The geographical coordinates of each municipal government seat were obtained from Google Maps. Network Construction The narco-network nodes are the municipalities affected by the organized crime between and The network was constructed by using the correlation in the monthly change in the number of casualties in each place SDCC , as defined in the Results section. The actual value was chosen low enough as to never have empty networks.
We constructed 57 networks, one for each month. Networks were depicted using CytoScape version 2. Supporting Information S1 Dataset.
Each entry contains the name of the state and the name of municipality, the coordinates of the municipal government seat, its population in , the total number of casualties during those 4 years, the rate per , inhabitants, and the number of casualties each month.
Each entry contains the name of the state, the municipality and the number of casualties per month. We also provide this table which contains the same information than S2 Table but in a friendlier spreadsheet format.